Two more disparate states than Israel
and Saudi Arabia
would be difficult to envisage.
Differing in almost every characteristic – political, religious,
cultural, demographic – they nevertheless have one thing in common. Both have enjoyed a close rapport with the United States.
The special relationship with Israel
has been a central plank in US
foreign policy virtually since Israel
came into being. As for Saudi Arabia, since the first Gulf War in 1990
it has come to be regarded as “America’s
other Middle East ally.” The one great blip in US-Saudi relations –
the discovery that 15 of the 19 suicide hijackers who attacked the US on 9/11 were
Saudis – has been overcome. Saudi Arabia’s
determined anti-terrorism policies have strongly rebuilt its ties with the US. Saudi is America’s
largest trade partner in the Middle East, way ahead of Israel at
number two.
In maintaining these twin alliances America has had to indulge in a delicate balancing act, for Israel and Saudi Arabia have historically had no formal diplomatic relations. More than that, Saudi operates an economic boycott against Israel and, as Daniel Pipes recently pointed out, the US signed, and abides by, a protocol prohibiting Jews being assigned to the Kingdom.
In maintaining these twin alliances America has had to indulge in a delicate balancing act, for Israel and Saudi Arabia have historically had no formal diplomatic relations. More than that, Saudi operates an economic boycott against Israel and, as Daniel Pipes recently pointed out, the US signed, and abides by, a protocol prohibiting Jews being assigned to the Kingdom.
So common ground between Saudi Arabia
and Israel was restricted, until
quite recently, to the problem of Iran’s obvious dash towards nuclear
weapons capability. Both Israel and the majority of the Sunni Muslim
world, of whose interests Saudi Arabia
considers itself the guardian, regarded Iran’s ambitions with alarm. Shi’ite Iran
was actively arming, funding and supporting terrorism and seeking to undermine
stable Arab governments, clearly aiming at hegemony over the Arab world in
general and the Gulf States
in particular. As regards Israel, Iran’s
leaders had more than once declared that they wished to see it destroyed – an aspiration
that may not particularly worry much of Islam, though it certainly concerned Israel.
Until the Iranian presidential elections in mid-2013, Saudi Arabia seemed reasonably confident in the
will of the US to halt Iran
in its tracks when it became obvious that the nuclear build-up had over-stepped
the acceptable. The Wikileaks documents
released to the world in 2010 showed quite clearly that fear of Iran’s intentions ran deep among Arab leaders,
and that many were urging Washington
to act before it was too late. Not only
did no action from the US
materialize, but it became clear that intense pressure had been applied by Washington on Israel to prevent it from acting
either.
The suspicion that
the Obama administration was lily-livered on this issue could only have been
confirmed by the way the West, including the USA,
responded to Iran’s
clear tactical U-turn following the election of the so-called moderate Hassan
Rouhani as president. Rouhani’s sweet
talk about Iran’s willingness to negotiate (perhaps already preceded by a
US-Russia-Iran agreement, according to some reports), matched by the UN’s eagerness to accept his assurances at
face value, sent shivers of alarm through the corridors of power in both Riyadh
and Jerusalem.
Saudi’s growing
disillusionment with the US
goes back to President Obama’s apparent support of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt’s civil
upheaval, his failure to support General Sisi’s interim government, and his
cutting off of a substantial tranche of military funding. Saudi Arabia
and other Gulf states,
which have more than made good the shortfall, perceive Obama to be bolstering
extremists seeking to destabilise “moderate” Arab governments.
Obama’s failure to
act in the Syrian conflict against the Assad régime, supported as it is by Iran
and Iran’s satellite fighting force Hezbollah, was a further cause of
disillusion on the part of Saudi Arabia. Their disenchantment with the US was finally
confirmed by Obama’s approach to Assad’s horrific chemical attack of August
2013 against both opposition forces and any civilians who happened to get in
the way. All Obama’s threats to take
military action in such an eventuality came to nothing. Through the good offices of Russia, Assad’s chemical stockpile is indeed
being destroyed – but Assad himself remains in power, perhaps as a quid pro
quo, and the Shi’ite crescent, which includes Iran and
Hezbollah, is, if anything, strengthened.
Israel, too, while
studiously keeping clear of the civil conflict in Syria,
has been only too well aware of the Iranian-Hezbollah connection, and – without
acknowledging it – is generally held to have ensured that advanced weaponry
shipped to Syria
for onward transmission to Hezbollah never reached its destination.
RT is the first
Russian 24-hour English-language TV news channel. Their website recently reported:
“Israel and Saudi Arabia, who don’t have
diplomatic relations, are rumored to be creating an alliance, which may well
become the region’s new ‘super power’. Despite their differences,” says RT, “Israel and Saudi Arabia share views on some of the most
pressing regional issues, as they
both want régime change in Syria,
with Saudi Arabia strongly backing the rebels; both see Iran as their main
geopolitical rival and want to neutralize the Islamic state; and both stand
united in their backing of the military government in Egypt, which has taken a
strong stance against the Islamists.”
Investigative journalist Robert Parry told RT that
although neither Saudi
Arabia nor Israel is picking an open
fight with big brother, “if the two
of them were to collaborate more formally on some of these issues like Syria,
Iran or Egypt, that could put the US
in a position of not being able to work its will with quite the freedom that it
has in the past.”
Which may explain
the latest flying visit to the Middle East by US
Secretary of State, John Kerry. He made
straight for Cairo on November 3, pledged wholesale
support for the Egyptian people’s struggle for democracy, neatly side-stepped questions
about Washington’s decimation of its military
aid to the interim government, and departed immediately for Riyadh
to mend fences with Saudi
Arabia.
Kerry said that this
latest mission is at the direct behest of President Obama. It seems clear that Washington
is becoming concerned at reports that Israel has been holding a series of meetings with prominent figures from a number of Gulf and other Arab states, under
the direct supervision of prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu.
On October 1,
Netanyahu addressed the 68th session of the UN General Assembly. One passage in his speech has not been widely
reported. Shared concerns over Iran’s
nuclear program, he said; “have led many of our Arab neighbors to recognize that
Israel
is not their enemy,” and created an opportunity to “build new relationships.”
Building seems to
have started.
Published in the Jerusalem Post on-line, 4 November 2013:
Jerusalem-Riyadh: The Hush-Hush Accord
Published in the Jerusalem Post on-line, 4 November 2013:
Jerusalem-Riyadh: The Hush-Hush Accord
Published in the Eurasia Review, 4 November 2013:
http://www.eurasiareview.com/03112013-jerusalem-riyadh-hush-hush-accord-oped/
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