About this time last
year some bright journalistic spark decided to construct a chart to
illustrate the complex – and
far from logical – network
of friendships and enmities that make up the political pattern of the Middle
East. The result resembled a web spun by a demented spider.
A year is an eternity
in politics, and even if that chart had been decipherable, subsequent events
have rendered much of it obsolete. One
new player on the scene is the self-styled Islamic State (IS), formally
established in June 2014 and based on the organization known as ISIS (the
Islamic State of Iraq and Syria). Led by
a man of boundless ambition and undoubted
military talent – Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, who now dubs himself the caliph and head of Muslims
the world over – the IS swept across Syria and northern Iraq, carrying all before it. In
the areas it conquered, inspired by an utterly ruthless religious zeal, the
army of the IS set about a brutal and pitiless slaughter of all who would not
subscribe to its own version of extreme Islamism. Tens of thousands fled before it and are now
refugees from their own country.
The Islamic State
is no-one’s friend but its own. Rooted in Sunni Islam, its
caliph now disdainfully rejects established Sunni authority, declaring to the Muslim world at large: “The
legality of all emirates, groups, states and organizations becomes null by the expansion of the caliph's
authority and the arrival of its troops to their areas, Support your state,
which grows every day.''
This time last year Syria’s President
Assad thought it appropriate to provide under-cover support for the then-ISIS,
which was at odds with the rest of the Sunni jihadists, including al-Qaida,
battling it out in Syria. That
“Machiavellian strategy”, in the words of journalist Itzhak Benhorin, has
clearly backfired, and Assad has turned on the IS. Now the IS is in opposition not only to the
Shia alliance of Iran, Syria, Hezbollah – and, by extension, Russia –- but
also with most of the Sunni Middle East.
The alarming speed of its inroad into Iraq from the
north, and the humanitarian crisis it unleashed among the Christian and other
communities it overran, finally led to a stiffening of resolve, within both the
Iraqi government and the western world. Humanitarian
and military assistance began to be provided by a number of western governments,
including the US and the UK, to the Iraqi and Kurdish forces opposing the IS,
and its apparently unstoppable advance was checked.
Nevertheless, the Islamic State’s military
successes alone would not have generated the reaction they have, were it not
for the fact that hundreds of volunteers from all over the world are being
attracted into its ranks, and western governments fear the result of a return
to their countries of battle-hardened and Islamist-indocrinated
extremists. Whatever the reasons, the
civilized world seems finally to be waking to the reality of the enemy it faces
–extreme Islamists who have the eventual domination of the whole world in their
sights.
For example, UK prime minister David Cameron wrote recently that the creation of an extreme caliphate in the heart of Iraq and
extending into Syria was the UK’s concern, here and now. “Because if we do not act to stem the
onslaught of this exceptionally dangerous terrorist movement, it will only grow
stronger until it can target us on the streets of Britain.”
Then he postulated an emerging realpolitik
approach that is beginning to gain adherents among opinion formers in the West.
“We must work with countries like Saudi
Arabia and Qatar, the UAE, Egypt and Turkey against these extremist forces, and
perhaps even with Iran, which could choose this moment to engage with the
international community against this shared threat.”
Sunni Qatar? - bidding fair to becoming
second only to Iran as the world’s largest sponsor of global terrorism, and one
of Hamas’s main financial backers. Shia Iran?
- with its clear ambition to acquire military nuclear capability as a vital
step towards dominating the whole Middle East.
Yes, indeed. Both, as sworn opponents of the Islamic State, are being
considered as bedfellows by the West.
Noting
the trend, former UK Foreign Secretary, Sir Malcolm Rifkind asks:. “Has there suddenly emerged an
American-Iranian axis? Are the ayatollahs in Tehran working hand in glove with
the Great Satan?” His answer: “You might be forgiven for thinking so. The
United States and Iran joined forces in calling for Nouri el-Maliki, the Iraqi
prime minister, to step down… There have been no protests from the Iranians as
American jets carry out bombing attacks across their border. They seem quite
relaxed as the US arms the Kurdish peshmerga.”
Sir Malcom draws attention to the fact that the
Iranians have worked informally with the Americans several times in the recent past,
though neither side found it convenient to draw attention to it. It wasn’t hypocrisy or double standards, he
asserts, but because their national interests coincided on specific issues. The most striking example he gives was the
Iranian response after 9/11. Al-Qaida was a Sunni terrorist organization and the
Shi’ite Iranians were very content to see them crushed by the United States. In short, if the West has to work with Iran to defeat the
Islamic State, declares Sir Malcolm, so be it. History clearly shows
that distasteful temporary alliances can be the best option.
He goes further. The US and its allies must also be prepared to work with the Syrian régime of Bashar al-Assad. The Islamic State “needs to be eliminated,” he declares, “and we should not be squeamish about how we do it. Sometimes you have to develop relationships with people who are extremely nasty in order to get rid of people who are even nastier.”
France’s president François Hollande goes one stage further by calling for an international conference to coordinate
the effort.“We want not only all the regional countries,
including Arab states and Iran, but the five members of the Security Council
also, to join this action,” said French
foreign minister, Laurent Fabius.
He goes further. The US and its allies must also be prepared to work with the Syrian régime of Bashar al-Assad. The Islamic State “needs to be eliminated,” he declares, “and we should not be squeamish about how we do it. Sometimes you have to develop relationships with people who are extremely nasty in order to get rid of people who are even nastier.”
The utterly inhumane and brutal beheading
of US journalist James Foley was a message apparently intended only for President
Obama – a warning to desist from US air-strikes against IS forces. Nevertheless the cold-blooded barbarity of
the act shocked the world, and it may help to solidify opposition to the IS and
raise awareness of the universal threat it poses. But could that execution have the effect of
bringing together, even on a temporary basis, states who are otherwise sworn
enemies? That is far from certain - though realpolitik has worked bigger miracles in the past.
Published in the Jerusalem Post on-line, 25 August 2014:
www.jpost.com/Experts/The-new-Middle-East-realpolitik-372263
Published in the Eurasia Review, 24 August 2014:
http://www.eurasiareview.com/24082014-new-middle-east-realpolitik-oped/
Published in the Jerusalem Post on-line, 25 August 2014:
www.jpost.com/Experts/The-new-Middle-East-realpolitik-372263
Published in the Eurasia Review, 24 August 2014:
http://www.eurasiareview.com/24082014-new-middle-east-realpolitik-oped/
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