Israel’s prime minister, Benjamin
Netanyahu, addressed the United Nations General Assembly on September 29, 2014. Examine what he said, and it is clear that he
is in the process of developing a new pragmatic approach to those political
problems, emanating from the Middle East, that encompass the Western
world. Will he be able to persuade its
leaders of the validity of his vision?
Two main aspects of his concept
strike a novel note.
The
first is his use of the term “militant Islam”, not once but many times, and how
he explains it. It is not, he says,
militants as such; nor is it Islam. Militant
Islam, he asserts, is a self-defining entity composed of organizations with a
common objective which is – and he demonstrates
this with chapter and verse – to dominate the
world. Contrasting the support that the UN
General Assembly gave President Obama for confronting ISIS, with their
opposition to Israel for confronting Hamas, he says: “They evidently don’t
understand that ISIS and Hamas are branches of the same poisonous tree. ISIS
and Hamas share a fanatical creed, which they both seek to impose well beyond
the territory under their control.”
His
equating of the self-styled Islamic State with Hamas is not new. Netanyahu has drawn that parallel several
times, even though – so far – it has not met with general acceptance. Recently the US State Department spokeswoman said there was no comparison. But Netanyahu makes a stronger case when he
defines what he now understands militant Islam to be – groupings of Islamist extremists, no matter what name
they give themselves, no matter where they operate, who share a fanatic
ideology.
“Boko
Haram in Nigeria; Ash-Shabab in Somalia;
Hezbollah in Lebanon; An-Nusrah in Syria; the Mahdi Army in Iraq; the Al-Qaeda
branches in Yemen, Libya, the Philippines, India and elsewhere. Some are radical Sunnis, some are radical
Shi'ites. They operate in different lands, they target different victims and
they even kill each other in their quest for supremacy. But they all seek to create
ever-expanding enclaves of militant Islam,” he asserts, “where there is no
freedom and no tolerance – where women are treated as chattel, Christians are
decimated, and minorities are subjugated, sometimes given the stark choice:
convert or die. For them, anyone can be an infidel, including fellow Muslims.”
Netanyahu
draws a comparison between militant Islam’s ambition to dominate the world,
with the same global ambition of the Nazis in the mid-twentieth century.
“The
Nazis,” he says, “believed in a master race. The militant Islamists believe in
a master faith. They just disagree about who among them will be the master of
the master faith.”
Will
militant Islam have the power to realize its unbridled ambitions? His answer: Yes, if the world fails to understand
that militant Islam encompasses also Iran.
“For
35 years,” he says, “Iran has relentlessly pursued the global mission which was
set forth by its founding ruler, Ayatollah Khomeini, in these words: ‘We will
export our revolution to the entire world, until the cry "There is no God
but Allah" echoes throughout the world…’ And ever since, the regime’s brutal enforcers,
Iran's Revolutionary Guards, have done exactly that.”
And
now Iran stands on the brink of realising its aim of becoming a nuclear military
power. Netanyahu begs the P5 + 1 (the
permanent members of the UN Security Council and Germany), who are negotiating
with Iran over control of its nuclear program, not to be “bamboozled” into an
agreement that will remove the sanctions it still faces, and leave it with the
capacity of thousands of centrifuges to enrich uranium.
“It’s
one thing to confront militant Islamists on pick-up trucks, armed with
Kalashnikov rifles,” says Netanyahu. “It’s another thing to confront militant
Islamists armed with weapons of mass destruction.”
“ISIS
must be defeated,” he asserts. ”But to defeat ISIS and leave Iran as a
threshold nuclear power is to win the battle and lose the war.”
That
is one of the two strands of innovative thinking that Netanyahu offered the
General Assembly. The other was to step onto very thin ice indeed – the concept
of a working alliance between Israel and those Arab states opposed to militant
Islamists in general, and Islamic State and Iran in particular.
“After
decades of seeing Israel as their enemy,” he declared, “leading states in the
Arab world increasingly recognize that, together, we and they face many of the
same dangers. Principally this means a nuclear-armed Iran and militant Islamist
movements gaining ground in the Sunni world. Our challenge is to transform
these common interests to create a productive partnership – one that would build a more secure, peaceful and
prosperous Middle East.”
The
ice is thin because, however willing some Arab governments may be to enter into
a recognised relationship with Israel, they would find difficulty in carrying
popular opinion with them. Netanyahu must understand this, but he soldiers on.
“Many
have long assumed that an Israeli-Palestinian peace can help facilitate a
broader rapprochement between Israel and the Arab World. But these days I think
it may work the other way around – namely that a
broader rapprochement between Israel and the Arab world may help facilitate an
Israeli-Palestinian peace.”
To
achieve that peace, he asserts, not only Jerusalem and Ramallah need be
involved, but also Cairo, Amman, Abu Dhabi, Riyadh and elsewhere. He is, in
effect, inviting the active involvement of Arab countries into the peace
process.
This
concept he carefully links to his earlier argument. He points out that Israel's withdrawals from
Lebanon and Gaza created two militant Islamic enclaves on its borders from
which tens of thousands of rockets have been fired at Israel.
“Israel
cannot have territories from which it withdraws taken over by Islamic militants
yet again. That would place the likes of ISIS within mortar range – a few miles
– of 80% of our population.”
So
any peace between Israel and the Palestinians involving other Arab states must
be anchored in mutual recognition and what he calls “rock solid security
arrangements on the ground”. Not without reason Netanyahu asserts that today there
is a new Middle East presenting new dangers, but also new opportunities. Israel,
he maintains, is prepared to work with Arab partners and the international
community to confront those dangers and to seize those opportunities.
“Together,”
he says, “we must recognize the global threat of militant Islam, the primacy of
dismantling Iran’s nuclear weapons capability and the indispensable role of
Arab states in advancing peace with the Palestinians.”
Published in the Eurasia Review, 1 October 2014:
http://www.eurasiareview.com/01102014-militant-islam-universal-threat-oped/
Published in the Eurasia Review, 1 October 2014:
http://www.eurasiareview.com/01102014-militant-islam-universal-threat-oped/