Published in the Jerusalem Post, 14 July 2024
Sudan has been tearing itself apart in a brutal civil war for two long years. A clash between two powerful military leaders has devastated the population and led to a humanitarian crisis. The nation’s basic infrastructure – water, electricity, transport, health care – has more or less collapsed.
During June
and into July nearly half the Sudanese people have been enduring acute food
insecurity. In areas like North Darfur
famine-level conditions have been confirmed. One report by Associated Press
describes people sucking on coal to relieve their hunger. Food prices have soared, and people are being
forced to eat weeds and wild plants which they boil with salt to make them
palatable.
The bombing of power plants and
water systems has led to vast outages, forcing millions to rely on contaminated
sources. As a result, with the
healthcare system barely functioning, a major cholera outbreak is sweeping the
country with over 78,000 suspected cases and nearly 2,000 deaths in the past
year.
Over 11 million people are
internally displaced, and roughly 4 million have fled to neighboring countries
where refugee camps also face severe food and water shortages. Outbreaks of malaria, respiratory illnesses and
diarrheal diseases, linked to very poor sanitation and hygiene, are reported rampant
in displaced-population areas.
How has this desperate situation
come about?
It all began with Sudan’s
democratic revolution in April 2019 and the collapse of the 30-year-long regime
of Omar al-Bashir. In the transitional
democratic government that followed, General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, head of
the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) became head of the ruling Sovereignty Council. Burhan’s role, representing the military arm
in the country's civilian-military collaborative administration, was specified in
the power-sharing agreement of August 2019 between the military and the
civilian elements within Sudan. Under
that agreement those concerned pledged themselves to move the country in an
orderly fashion toward democracy, and to parliamentary elections in 2023.
However, popular feeling grew
increasingly impatient with the obvious lack of progress toward any form of
democracy, and also with the administration’s failure to deal with the
country’s severe economic problems. On
October 22, 2021 national frustration erupted in a mass protest in the capital,
Khartoum, in support of civilian rule.
What
do the two protagonists say they want? In
a series of social media posts Dagalo maintains that he and the RSF are
"fighting for the people of Sudan to ensure the democratic progress for
which they have so long yearned". The
RSF has a brutal track record, and many find this hard to believe. Burhan has said he supports the idea of
returning to civilian rule, but that he will hand over power only to an elected
government.
In early 2025 the SAF pushed the RSF out of Khartoum and most of Omdurman, giving Burhan control of the greater part of Sudan, including the capital region. In February, Burhan’s Transitional Sovereignty Council announced the formation of a new transitional government. In May, Kamil Idris, a civilian, was appointed prime minister. This administration is accepted by the UN, the African Union, Egypt and a number of other states as the legitimate government of Sudan.
Meanwhile Dagalo and the RSF still
control significant parts of western and southwestern Sudan, especially in
Darfur and parts of Kordofan. In April 2025, the RSF established a rival
“Government of Peace and Unity” to administer the territories under their
control, but this entity lacks international recognition and is not considered
the legitimate government of Sudan.
In a powerful article in the
Jerusalem Post on July 1, Niger Innis, the chairman of the Congress of Racial
Equality (CORE), argued that “Burhan is not a “moderate,” not a “pragmatist,”
and certainly not a force for stability. Innis describes him as “an enabler of
radical Islam, an ally of Hamas and the Muslim Brotherhood, and most
dangerously, a willing tool of Iran’s expanding influence across Africa and the
Middle East.”
Innis maintained that Iranian
weapons are flowing through Sudan, and that drone technology is being shipped
and assembled there. He urges Israel to
mount “a coordinated campaign to remove al-Burhan and replace his regime with
one that is anti-terror, anti-Iran, and aligned with the Abraham Accords vision
of regional cooperation, economic development, and peace through strength.”
That reference to the Abraham Accords is significant. Sudan is, of course, one of the four Arab states that signed up to them. In fact, it was Burhan himself who met Israel’s then-prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, in February 2020 in Uganda, where they agreed to normalize relations. On January 6, 2021 in a quiet ceremony in Khartoum, Burhan signed Sudan up to the Abraham Accords.
The battle between the SAF and the
RSF swung back and forth until March 26, 2025.
On that day Burhan’s SAF regained control of the presidential palace in
Khartoum. What Innis fails to mention is
that just one week later, Burhan sent his envoy, Al-Sadiq Ismail, to Israel. A
report by Sudanese outlet Al-Rakoba said the visit remained secret until after
Ismail had returned.
It then emerged that Ismail had
been tasked with delivering several messages to Netanyahu. First he conveyed Burhan’s desire to consolidate
the normalization process. In exchange
for Israeli support in Sudan’s internal conflict against the RSF, he was
prepared to re-sign the Abraham Accords in a formal public ceremony. Another purpose for the visit was to ask
Israel to assist in promoting Burhan to the US administration and easing
tensions with the United Arab Emirates (UAE).
None of that translates into
Burhan leading Sudan into becoming Iran’s newest proxy. He made overtures to Iran in about 2023
because Israel, wary of becoming entangled in Sudan’s civil conflict, had refused
to provide him with military support at a time when his struggle against the
RSF was going badly. On the face of it, Burhan
now appears ready to strengthen Sudan’s ties with Israel. In return Israel might very well help bring
humanitarian relief to the Sudanese population, and restore the nation to stability.
Published in the Jerusalem Post titled: "Sudan seeks closer ties" and in the Jerusalem Post online titled: "Sudan seeks closer ties with Israel", 14 July 2025:



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