“You have been in Afghanistan, I perceive,”
says Sherlock Holmes on first meeting Dr Watson, later to be his great friend
and companion. But already, in the first
words of the first Sherlock Holmes novel, A Study in Scarlet, Watson has
provided an account of his unhappy experiences in the Second Anglo-Afghan War.
Because of its position plumb in the middle of
central Asia, Afghanistan is a prize that has been fought over and won by
foreign occupiers many times in its long history. Its domestic story is equally turbulent, with warring tribes battling it
out over the centuries for power and control.
In 2018 the basic pattern persists.
It was in the first part of the 19th
century, at the apogee of its imperial history, that Great Britain perceived
Afghanistan to be a major strategic objective. The Russian empire was expanding
rapidly to its south, and Afghanistan, which lay adjacent to Britain’s Indian
Raj, could not be allowed to fall within the Russian sphere of influence and thus
threaten India. Britain first invaded
the country in 1838, at the start of what came to be known as “the Great Game”
– a struggle for power and influence in Central Asia between the British and
the Russian empires. It was a disaster.
Nothing deterred it invaded a second time in 1878, and was more
successful. It gained control over
Afghanistan’s external affairs, and established the country as a permanent buffer
between its Indian empire and Russia.
The dynamics of the situation
changed dramatically following Britain’s withdrawal from India in 1947. From the early 1950s pro- Communist, indeed
pro-Soviet, rulers prevailed in Afghanistan, and twenty years later general
Mohammed Daoud Khan overthrew the monarchy and established a republic closely
aligned to the USSR, with himself as president.
When he was killed in a coup five years later a battle for power ensued,
but a new element had entered the situation − the rise of conservative Islamic
and ethnic religious leaders. Swiftly
gaining clout, they established a guerilla movement called the Mujahadeen and engineered
an armed revolt against the pro-Soviet leadership.
When President
Nur Mohammad Taraki was assassinated, alarm bells were set ringing in the
Kremlin, and in 1979 the USSR invaded.
The Mujahadeen rebels united against the Soviet invaders as well as the USSR-backed
Afghan Army, and the fighting dragged on year after year. Finally the situation became a microcosm of
the Cold War, and by 1986 the Mujahadeen were receiving arms from the United
States and Britain.
In 1989 the
USSR admitted defeat and withdrew its troops, but the turbulence had left its legacy − the establishment by Osama bin Laden
of the jihadist group al-Qaeda, later the rise of the Islamist organization calling
itself the Taliban, and finally the incursion into Afghanistan of Islamic State
(IS). A series of terrorist attacks by
al-Qaeda against American embassies in Africa led to demands for bin Laden to
be handed over – demands ignored by the Taliban. The final straw came with the destruction of
the twin towers in New York on September 11, 2001. Within a month US and British forces began
air-strikes against Taliban targets in Afghanistan, prior to an invasion by
ground troops. The Taliban were chased
from their strongholds.
But 17
years later, despite enormous efforts by the US and Britain to stabilize the
country, train the military and establish a democratic form of government, the
Taliban are still fighting against government forces around Kabul and engaged
in a three-way battle against IS in the north.
IS first emerged in Afghanistan in
2015. Although the caliphate it
proclaimed in Iraq and Syria has been swept away, the Afghan branch has endured. It has built a stronghold in the
north-eastern province of Nangarhar and parts of Kunar. The local populations
have been beaten into cowed submission. Beheadings and public executions have
become commonplace. Neither US-led counter-terrorism forces, nor the Taliban,
have managed to root it out.
Meanwhile the Taliban seem to be
gaining military, political and diplomatic influence with its assault on the
strategically important town of Ghazni city, which links Kabul with southern
Afghanistan. On July 29 discussions actually took place between the Taliban and the US about possible peace talks. The Taliban have also been gaining increased
attention from Russia recently − Washington has accused Moscow of arming them. The
most significant sign of the Taliban’s increasing clout was the four-day meeting early in August between a Taliban delegation and the
Uzbekistan government, following an offer made by Uzbek President Shavkat
Mirziyoyev in March to broker peace in Afghanistan.
Suhail Shaheen, spokesman for the
Taliban, said that discussions had covered everything from withdrawal of
international troops from Afghanistan to possible Uzbek-funded development
projects that could include railway lines and electricity.
The West, however, has taken a
hard line against the Taliban’s latest campaigns. On August 13 the UK prime minister, Theresa May, announced that 440 more British military personnel would join the Nato mission in
Afghanistan whose task is to train, advise and assist the Afghan security
forces. It is, in a way, an admission of
defeat. It is almost four years since
British troops left the heat and dust of Afghanistan's Helmand province where
hundreds lost their lives. Today the Taliban still control most of Helmand.
The same is largely true of the
Americans. Although they returned two
years ago in smaller numbers than previously, their commander, Brigadier General
Ben Watson, thought the decision in 2014 by US and British forces to leave
"premature". If the Americans had not returned, he says: "I
would imagine that Helmand would be pretty solidly under the Taliban right
now."
History shows that Afghanistan is both
a military quagmire and a political and diplomatic minefield. The current fighting seems to have narrowed
down to a battle for Western values against the Islamist aspirations of both
the Taliban and IS. It does not seem to be a battle with a foreseeable outcome.
Published in the Eurasia Review, 24 August 2018:
https://www.eurasiareview.com/24082018-afghanistan-who-is-winning-analysis/
Published in the Eurasia Review, 24 August 2018:
https://www.eurasiareview.com/24082018-afghanistan-who-is-winning-analysis/
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